v. 1. De la Renaștere la epoca "Luminilor".

Pe parcursul anului trecut, la Institutul de Cercetări Economice şi Sociale „Gheorghe Zane” din Iaşi, a avut loc workshopul „Concepte şi argumente în filosofia social-politică. Interpretări şi dezbateri”. Workshopul s-a desfăşurat în cadrul proiectului POSDRU „Societatea bazată pe cunoaştere: cercetări, dezbateri, perspective”. Cartea de faţă este principalul rezultat al acestui workshop. Ea a fost gândită şi propusă spre publicare în primul rând din speranţa că va fi utilă celor care doresc să se iniţieze – sau celor care încearcă să-i (...) iniţieze pe alţii – în teoria şi filosofia social-politică (mai ales cea contemporană). Aceasta cu atât mai mult cu cât, la noi, lucrările de acest tip (fie semnate de autori români, fie traduceri) sunt încă destul de rare. Mă refer aici la lucrările care acordă o atenţie specială (şi) filosofiei politice (teoriei politice normative), nu doar ştiinţei politice sau politologiei (teoriei politice empirice). Dacă cele din urmă apar din ce în ce mai frecvent în ultima vreme, cele dintâi rămân, din păcate, foarte puţine, chiar insuficiente. Cartea nu este nici pe departe una exhaustivă. În ciuda acestui „defect”, cred că ea îşi poate îndeplini totuşi obiectivul fundamental, fie şi numai pentru că oferă analize, prezentări şi comentarii despre câteva dintre cele mai importante concepte şi teorii din teoria socială şi politică recentă. Mai mult, în cadrul ei sunt discutate inclusiv unele concepte sau/şi teorii încă puţin analizate la noi (precum „multiculturalismul”, „dreptatea socială”, „genul” sau „democraţia deliberativă”). Se obişnuieşte uneori ca autorul introducerii unui volum de acest tip să prezinte în rezumat şi principalele idei apărate sau/şi metodologii utilizate de autorii fiecăruia dintre capitole. Eu nu voi face acest lucru. Motivul? Aş risca să fiu redundant, de vreme ce astfel de precizări şi rezumate au fost deja realizate de autorii volumului, chiar în debutul capitolelor pe care le semnează. Acestea fiind spuse, ţin să mai evidenţiez doar un singur lucru: aşa cum se va observa cu siguranţă, multe dintre capitolele lucrării nu sunt simple texte introductive (deşi au, fără îndoială, şi o astfel de dimensiune). Altfel spus, autorii acestor capitole nu s-au mulţumit să prezinte doar ideile, argumentele sau teoriile altor autori (şi în special ale celor consideraţi de referinţă) în problemele pe care le analizează. De multe ori, ei prezintă, dimpotrivă, şi idei, opinii, interpretări, argumente, perspective sau chiar teorii ori măcar „semiteorii” proprii asupra conceptelor şi problemelor pe care le abordează. Acest lucru nu ar trebui să fie surprinzător. Pentru fiecare dintre autorii capitolelor din acest volum, conceptele şi problemele pe care le prezintă aici constituie o preocupare sistematică şi constantă, dacă nu chiar preocuparea lor fundamentală, cel puţin în ultimii ani. De altfel, cel puţin în România, preocupările şi contribuţiile în domeniu ale multora dintre ei sunt deja cunoscute şi comentate, fie şi doar în cercul restrâns al specialiştilor şi al celor interesaţi de teoria social-politică. (shrink)

Nu cu foarte mult timp în urmă, grupul de teorie socială şi politică din cadrul proiectului POSDRU 89/1.5/S/56815 „Societatea bazată pe cunoaştere-cercetări, dezbateri, perspective”, a publicat, tot la editura Institutul European, lucrarea Concepte şi teorii social-politice. Volumul de faţă reprezintă un nou pas al grupului nostru de lucru în realizarea proiectului inaugurat prin publicarea acelei lucrări. Este vorba, reamintesc, despre proiectul elaborării unor volume care să-i ajute pe cei interesaţi în iniţierea (lor sau a altora) în teoria (şi în (...) special filosofia) politică, mai ales în dezvoltările sale conceptuale, argumentative şi problematologice recente. Desigur, nu am intenţionat în mod expres ca aceste volume să fie utile doar în această direcţie. Speranţa noastră a fost, dimpotrivă, ca ele să fie interesante şi pentru cercetătorii cu experienţă în investigarea şi dezbaterea temelor abordate în cadrul lor, mai ales pentru că unele capitole prezintă idei, argumente sau perspective originale, care, credem noi, merită atenţia critică a comunităţii cercetătorilor români. Menirea lor fundamentală rămâne totuşi, în intenţia noastră, cea introductivă. Aşa cum recunoşteam în cuvântul său înainte, Concepte şi teorii socialpolitice nu este deloc un volum exhaustiv. Teorii şi ideologii politice reprezintă, în bună măsură, şi o încercare de a compensa cumva acest „defect” al volumului în cauză. Desigur, nici publicarea lui nu ne permite să susţinem că am atins obiectivul oferirii unei introduceri cât mai complete în teoria/filosofia politică actuală. Deşi Teorii şi ideologii politice prezintă câteva dintre cele mai importante teorii sau ideologii politice contemporane, există multe altele care nu sunt prezentate (sau cel puţin nu sunt prezentate atât de detaliat pe cât ar fi meritat) între paginile sale. Mă refer aici, spre exemplu, la libertarianism, comunitarianism, cosmopolitism sau capabilism (ca teorie a dezvoltării umane). Ne consolăm însă în baza a trei argumente. Unul este acela că, aşa cum se poate observa cu uşurinţă din cuprinsul său, cartea de faţă prezintă totuşi un număr important dintre principalele teorii şi ideologii politice recente (unele dintre ele pentru prima dată în literatura românească de specialitate). Al doilea este acela că unele dintre teoriile sau ideologiile politice care nu sunt abordate aici au beneficiat deja de prezentări competente şi atente la noi (unele dintre ele chiar în Concepte şi teorii social-politice). În sfârşit, al treilea argument este acela că sperăm cu toţii că prezentul volum nu reprezintă ultimul nostru pas în realizarea obiectivului menţionat în debutul acestei intervenţii. Sperăm, altfel spus, să putem prezenta acele teorii sau ideologii politice care nu şi-au găsit locul între paginile lui sau ale celui precedent cu o altă ocazie. Ţin să precizez însă că volumul pe care îl introduc prin această intervenţie nu este întrutotul o continuare a celui precedent, deşi între ele există, desigur, destule afinităţi, relaţii şi continuităţi tematice. Mai exact, el nu ar putea fi descris totalmente neproblematic ca reprezentând „al doilea tom” al volumului Concepte şi teorii social-politice. Titlul său este menit să indice acest lucru. Dacă lucrarea anterioară era centrată pe prezentarea unora dintre principalele concepte ale teoriei/filosofiei social-politice contemporane, cartea de faţă prezintă câteva dintre principalele teorii sau ideologii dezvoltate şi apărate de politologii, filosofii, economiştii sau „ideologii” politici contemporani. Nici de această dată nu voi încerca să rezum principalele idei expuse sau metodologii utilizate de către autori în prezentarea teoriilor sau ideologiilor politice care se regăsesc între paginile ce urmează. Temeiul meu este acelaşi: acolo unde au considerat că este cazul, autorii capitolelor şi-au rezumat ei înşişi ideile prezentate sau/şi metodologiile utilizate. În plus, cititorul interesat să-şi facă o idee prealabilă despre conţinutul ideatic şi problematologic al cărţii dispune de un rezumat al ei (în limbile engleză şi franceză) în finalul său. În consecinţă, mă voi mulţumi să închei doar prin a exprima încă o dată speranţa noastră că această carte se va dovedi utilă celor cărora li se adresează cu preponderenţă. Sperăm, în alte cuvinte, ca ea să le fie de ajutor în înţelegerea şi evaluarea adecvată a teoriilor şi ideologiilor pe care le prezintă. Şi mai important, sperăm că ea îi va stimula să caute să aprofundeze cercetarea acestor teorii şi ideologii şi – mai ales – să iniţieze propriile investigaţii sistematice şi riguroase în această privinţă. Dezvoltarea politologiei şi a filosofiei politice în spaţiul românesc, ca să nu mai vorbim despre clarificarea şi fundamentarea cât mai completă şi adecvată a opţiunilor ideologice ale partidelor politice din România, au nevoie de acest lucru. (shrink)

Alors que monte la prise de conscience du péril environnemental, les obstacles à une véritable mutation écologique des sociétés contemporaines restent massifs et les modèles alternatifs peinent à s'imposer. Les traditions intellectuelles de la gauche semblent souvent impuissantes à apporter des réponses. Pire, n'ont-elles pas contribué, par leur culte des "forces productives", à l'impasse actuelle? La généalogie intellectuelle proposée par Serge Audier revient sur des évidences trompeuses, notamment celle qui voudrait que les mouvements émancipateurs n'aient abordé que très tardivement les (...) enjeux écologiques. On redécouvre certes peu à peu des voix minoritaires qui, de Henry D. Thoreau à William Morris, avaient manifesté très tôt un souci inédit de la nature. Mais en les érigeant en héros solitaires, on contribue à occulter une nébuleuse beaucoup plus large et méconnue qui, entre socialisme et anarchisme, a esquissé les traits d'une "société écologique". L'objectif de ce livre est d'exhumer et de reconstituer une pensée sociale de la nature et de l'émancipation, construite aux marges du "grand récit" socialiste et républicain. De fait, cette tendance dissidente a été ignorée, marginalisée, voire combattue par les courants hégémoniques, qui ont souvent vu dans l'écologie un conservatisme traditionaliste ou un romantisme réactionnaire... Si les "ennemis" de la "société écologique" se trouvent bien entendu du côté des forces du capitalisme, il serait faux et dangereux d'oublier qu'ils font aussi partie de l'histoire même de la gauche et du socialisme dans ses orientations majoritaires, encore prégnantes."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

En las últimas décadas, la filosofía se ha entregado a la metafilosofía. Independientemente de la relevancia teórica que tiene el hecho de que la filosofía se convierta sí misma en su principal objeto de estudio, resulta de gran interés rastrear el contexto social en el que emerge esta tendencia: la academia. Con el objetivo de arrojar luz sobre las razones y las motivaciones de esta desviación, el presente artículo analiza los orígenes de la Filosofía como Facultad Mayor a través (...) de la reforma de la universidad alemana llevada a cabo por Wilhelm von Humboldt. Atendiendo al análisis socio-histórico, se defiende que el cuestionamiento metafilosófico contemporáneo puede entenderse como una consecuencia endógena de la especialización del conocimiento y del desarrollo de la filosofía profesional. (shrink)

Eroticism seems to be the essence of individuation and the freedom that brings Otherness into being. For this reason eroticism had to be disguised and softened by a mechanism of control within the society of any monolithic communist power. There- fore, one of the images that were altered was that of the woman. This was done under the pretext of a project of emancipation, initiated by the Communist party, which made claims in women’s name but utilized women’s organizations for socialist-communist (...) propaganda. The article analyzes this manipulative politics and it’s effects on the social imagery: it created the image of a New woman - the aggressive woman with the profile of a communist warrior and a masculine body in a carnival-like movement that was biased, restrictive, and gender-blind. (shrink)

This article brings together the history of the social sciences and the history of social thought in Socialist Romania. It is concerned with the development of ideas about the social beyond collectivism, especially about the relationship between individual and society under socialism, from the early 1960s to the end of the 1970s. The analysis speaks to three major themes in the current historiography of Cold War social science. First, the article investigates the role of disciplinary specialization in the advancement of (...) new ideas about the social in the postwar period. Specifically, it asks how the debate over the relationship between sociology and Marxism-Leninism has challenged ideas about collectivism from Stalinist social science. Second, the article shows how social practice, individual and collective agency, and people's subjectivities became theoretically relevant in the 1960s, and how they were integrated, via empirical sociological research, into the reworked conceptual apparatus of post-Stalinist Marxism-Leninism. This complicates accounts about the role of quantification and theorization in postwar social science by foregrounding the intense reflection on the role of empirical research in sociology under state socialism. Third, the article shows how the relationship between individual and society became a topic of interest across social sciences in the 1960s and 1970s. The Marxist humanist approach to the social, although it never achieved the institutional status of a distinct discipline, adds an important perspective from East Central Europe to the existing historiography of the ‘thinning’ of the social in social sciences and social thought beginning in the 1950s. (shrink)

This article examines the emergence of video home systems (VHS) in socialist Romania within the broader context of state-controlled cinema industry and through the conceptual lens of “paracinema.” Rather than viewing video as a disruption in film consumption, the study explores films as both cultural products and commodities. The analysis addresses the social construc­tion of paracinema repertoires in a broader context and uses discourse analysis to explore ruptures and continuities in the polarised framing of films. The results show an intersection (...) of socialist cinema cultures and VHS repertoires, revealing a continuity in moral debates around popular film genres. The discus­sion also reveals how the circulation of videotapes in the black market and the emergence of alternative VHS film repertoires exposed the tensions between state policies and public demand, ultimately reshaping the social construction of cinema cultures under socialism. (shrink)

In this paper, we discuss how existentialism was criticized, disseminated, and gradually autochthonized in the main philosophical journals of Socialist Romania. We show that the early critique of existentialism was both a statement against contemporary bourgeois philosophy in general and a condemnation of the local philosophical production of the interwar period. In the 1950s, this kind of critique was attuned to the growing fame of several Romanian authors who had emigrated to the West (e.g., Emil Cioran, Mircea Eliade) and targeted (...) both past and contemporary irrationalism. Following a period of critique of existentialism without existentialists (i.e., without reference to individual authors), the 1960s discussions of existentialism were mainly driven by interest in a small number of existentialist authors. In particular, the evolution of Jean-Paul Sartre’s work and politics was analyzed as it straddled existentialism and Marxism. The 1970s saw the integration of selected existentialist concepts and themes, in an attempt to offer a Marxist alternative to existentialism in the form of philosophical anthropology. This led to a period of engagement with existentialists without existentialism across an increasing number of separate disciplines within the humanities and social sciences. In the 1980s, following the failure of Marxist philosophical anthropology and at the height of national communism, existentialism could also be autochthonized through the recovery of selected philosophers from the interwar period whose work had been previously criticized as irrationalist. (shrink)

Some of the post-socialist countries of Europe experienced after the fall of communism what some called a religious revival. Anthropologists and sociologists alike were sure that they discovered serious evidence against the case of secularization theory. What unfortunately most of them failed to observe was the particular shape and form of this religious growth and the structural changes of the religious mentalities occurred in the process of transition from a closed, ideologically monopolized society, to a pluralistic one. After more than (...) half of a century of atheistic ideologization of the public sphere, Romania remains one of the most religious countries of both Eastern and Western Europe. The thesis of this article is that this fact is due to the lack of modernization of the Romanian social system both before and during the post-socialist period. (shrink)

In the past two decades academic and research literature on “corruption” has flourished. During the same period organizations and initiatives fighting against corruption have also significantly expanded, turning “anti-corruption” into a new research subject. However, despite a few exceptions there is a division of labor between scholars who study corruption itself and those who study the global anti-corruption industry. Juxtaposing corruption’s local discourses and anti-corruption international practices, this article is an attempt to bring together these two intertwined research dimensions and (...) explore how an ethnographic approach might contribute to framing them together. Firstly, it describes how corruption in Romania is often conceptualized and explained in terms of national heritage, something related to old and recent cultural history, including traditional folklore. Secondly, it explores how anti-corruption works in practice, focusing on international legal cooperation projects monitoring the progress and shortcomings both prior to and post Romania’s accession to the European Union. Finally, revealing the articulations of these two apparently unrelated research fields, the article argues that corruption’s local explanations and the circular logic of auditing observed within the anti-corruption industry share a common developmental ideology mirroring the crypto-colonialist structure of power relations and dependency among European nation-states emerging out of the Cold War. (shrink)

En el último tiempo, han alcanzado especial popularidad en Argentina los tratamientos estéticos mínimamente invasivos, como las inyecciones de ácido hialurónico y toxina botulínica para rellenar y modelar diferentes partes del rostro. También aparece extendido, entre lxs médicxs y las clínicas estéticas, el uso de la plataforma Instagram para la promoción de estos servicios. Así, esta red social se convierte en un espacio donde lxs profesionales muestran, describen, explican y alientan este tipo de procedimientos. Nuestra investigación tiene por objetivo analizar (...) los sentidos que giran en torno a estos tratamientos, enfocándonos en la concepción del cuerpo que subyace en estas prácticas, los criterios estéticos que se ponen en juego, las formas de interpelación a las mujeres en tanto principales consumidoras de estos servicios y las transformaciones que prometen. A partir del análisis de cuatro cuentas de Instagram orientadas a la promoción de tratamientos estéticos en Mendoza y de cuatro entrevistas en profundidad a lxs médicxs responsables de estas cuentas, analizamos, en primer lugar, la concepción del cuerpo como un proyecto continuamente perfectible y las relaciones de tensión y complementariedad entre criterios estéticos clásicos y criterios contemporáneos; en segundo lugar, describimos la noción del alma como proyecto asintótico, con anclajes psíquicos y afectivos particulares y ciertas tensiones paradojales. Concluimos que los tratamientos estéticos se construyen como tecnologías de yo, convergentes con una est/ética propiciada por el ethos neoliberal. (shrink)

Une métaphysique de la création continue, une éthique de la personne, sujet actif et créateur, tels sont les fondements philosophiques du socialisme. Le travail intellectuel, force de production en développement, qui entrera en contradiction avec les rapports de production tels qu'ils existent actuellement, et assurera le contrôle du Capital qui sera public et non plus privé, voilà ce qui constitue le fondement social du socialisme. Si la démocratie, c'est l'incarnation de l'exigence de liberté, la république, c'est la démocratie vivifiée par (...) l'aspiration à l'égalité, et le socialisme, c'est la république orientée vers ses fins par l'instauration du règne de la justice, par la transformation progressive de la propriété capitaliste en propriété sociale et par l'appel à la fraternité. Le socialisme est un idéal qui vise le changement radical de la société. (shrink)

Drawing on stakeholder theory and the evolutionary approach to institutions, this paper investigates the channels through which corporate social responsibility (CSR) is developed in post-communist economies by focusing on the employee background factors that shape the employees' expectations with regard to corporate socially responsible behaviour. We identify three channels through which exogenous and endogenous CSR are developed: employees with work experience in multinational enterprises (MNEs) (leading to exogenous CSR), employees with CSR knowledge (leading to exogenous CSR) and employees with experience (...) of the socialist system (leading to endogenous CSR). Furthermore, we argue that the interactions between these channels lead to hybrid CSR in transition economies. We use a questionnaire-based survey with employees of domestic and MNEs in Romania and we conduct regression analysis. We find that employees with work experience in MNEs act as channels for exogenous CSR, while employees with experience of the socialist system act as channels for endogenous CSR. Furthermore, employees with experience of the socialist system and CSR knowledge or work experience in an MNE act as channels for hybrid CSR in transition economies. Based on our results, we put forward implications for theory, managers and policy makers. (shrink)

ABSTRACTThis paper criticizes Axel Honneth’s Idea of Socialism from a post-Marxist but nevertheless Marxian perspective. It focuses on the importance of particular political subjectivities for bringing about emancipatory transformations. Honneth’s decoupling of his revived conception of socialism from any kind of partisan subjectivity is not only overhasty. It also loses sight of the emergence of socialism as an idea in a proper Hegelian sense. Whilst Honneth contradictorily assumes that contemporary ethical life is already infused with a comprehensive normativity of social (...) freedom that points towards its further realization, such a tendency of normative and social universality has been largely eliminated by the regressions of neoliberal hegemony. In this historical situation, the becoming-hegemonic of social freedom depends on the polemical initiative of those kinds of political subjectivities which are theoretically excluded from Honneth’s conception of socialism. (shrink)

En las siguientes líneas se comparte una reflexión sobre la importancia, el sen- tido y la vigencia que tiene la bioética social en nuestros días. Si bien es cierto que con frecuencia el término bioética se relaciona con cuestiones de problemas y dilemas de ética clínica al interior de hospitales, así como con la defensa de los animales no humanos y el medio ambiente, la bioética tiene una cuña de intervención social con grupos de personas vulneradas en sus derechos o (...) que, por su condición, han sido socialmente invisibilizados. Por tal motivo, se pro- pone la inclusión de la bioética social como una herramienta de intervención educativa en sectores marginados o excluidos, y como mecanismo que permita el empoderamiento de las personas que pertenecen a estos grupos, a partir de los principios y nociones con los que trabaja la disciplina. (shrink)

La quête de ce qui est appelé de manière si erronée la justice sociale est à notre époque la principale menace à l’égard de la propriété privée. Hayek se trompait quand il concluait que l’expression “justice sociale” est “entièrement creuse et dénuée de signification”. Car ceux qu’on devrait désormais appeler les sociauxdémocrates de tous les partis, et non plus les socialistes, se trompent en maintenant qu’est “socialement” juste l’injustice manifeste consistant à s’approprier des proportions toujours croissantes de richesses (...) et de revenus acquis de manière juste par quelques individus, afin de les transférer à d’autres individus qui ne peuvent prétendre en aucune façon à leur possession.The pursuit of what is so misleadingly called social justice is in our time the main threat to private property. Hayek was mistaken in concluding that the expression “social justice” is “entirely empty and meaningless”. For what is wrong with those who should now perhaps be called not the socialists but the social democrats of all parties is that they insist on misdescribing as “socially” just the manifest injustice of seizing ever increasing amounts of the justly acquired wealth and income of some people in order to transfer it to others who have no such just claims to its possession. (shrink)

Since Pope Leo XIII wrote Rerum Novarum, the Catholic Church, while opposing socialism, has adopted a skeptical and suspicious posture with regard to the free market. The popes have supported labor unions, the idea of a "just wage," and a variety of other interventions. Yet the economic recommendations of the Church have consistently proven counterproductive, and have apparently been devised without recourse to economic law. Papal economic teaching is filled with unstated assumptions which, if false, throw into question the moral (...) analysis based on them.Depuis que le Pape Léon XIII a écrit Rerum Novarum l’église catholique, bien qu’opposée au socialisme, a adopté une attitude sceptique et suspicieuse à l’égard du libre marché. Les papes successifs ont soutenu les syndicats, l’idée de « juste salaire », et une variété d’autres interventions. Jusqu’à présent les recommandations économiques de l’Eglise ont constamment été contreproductives et ont été promulguées sans égard vis-à-vis des lois économiques. L’enseignement économique des Papes est rempli d’hypothèses non formulées qui, si elles sont fausses, mettent en question l’analyse morale qu’elles sous-tendent. (shrink)

The contemporary development of socialist economy is featured not only by high dynamics, but also by essential structural and qualitative changes. The economic policy and the socialist planning in particular tendtowards optimalization of economic growth, then to engage for its proper directions, structure and rythmicality. The every year growing national product ought to be, as it is possible, most suitable and useful for implementation of threefold objective: 1° the better satisfaction with the necessities of population, 2° the quicker modernization of (...) the national economy, and 3° the effective development of the foreign trade as well as the international cooperation.The superiority of a set of social criteria is becoming the general assumption of economic policy. A vision of the future human being and the mature society is determining prospective objectives and aims of the development as well is indicating ways and means for their realization by economic policy.The economic growth is not objective by itself, but has to serve for a comprehensive social advancement. At the same time the factors of social advancement advantageously impact the labour productivity and otherwisethey perform a role of additional stimulatives of the economic growth.The objectives of social advancement should be realized gradually basing on staging patterns of systematic raise of the living standards of the population. A hierarchy and a sequence of satisfaction with the both individual and collective necessities demand a skillful application of the criteria of the economic and social choice. We are using here the principle of social and economic rationality.Hence the factors of social advancement, involving the scientific and technical progress, belang to the fundumatel elements of the present economic and social policy. At the same time objectives and means of modern economic and social advancement are here strictly interlaced. (shrink)

Amsterdam University Press is a leading publisher of academic books, journals and textbooks in the Humanities and Social Sciences. Our aim is to make current research available to scholars, students, innovators, and the general public. AUP stands for scholarly excellence, global presence, and engagement with the international academic community.

Gran parte de los estudios sobre la naturaleza de la cognición social, que también se ha entendido como una perspectiva de se-gunda persona, ha tenido lugar en el marco de la llamada “teoría de la mente”, entendida básicamente como capacidad inferencial de atribución de estados mentales. La fenomenología, por el contrario, advierte la naturaleza corporizada e integrada de la experiencia de sí, lo que permite, consecuentemente, el acceso inmediato a la experiencia vivida del otro. La incorporación de esta comprensión de (...) la cognición social en el ámbito experimental ha planteado un giro interactivo: de perspectivas observacionales y mecanismos individuales a escenarios interactivos y procesos participativos. Este trabajo se propone mostrar tanto el sentido fenomenológico de la cognición social como así también las diversas interpretaciones que han encontrado aplicación en la experimentación neurocientífica en cuanto perspectivas de segunda persona, a fin de evaluar sus aportes y ofrecer posibles tareas aún pendientes.Most of the studies on the nature of social cognition, which has also been understood as second-person perspective, have taken place within the framework of the so-called "theory of mind", basically understood as inferential capacity for attribution of mental states. Phenomenology, on the contrary, shows the embodied and integrated nature of self-experience, which consequently allows immediate access to the lived experience of the other. The incorporation of this understanding of social cognition in the experimental field has proposed an interactive turn: from observational perspectives and individual mechanisms to interactive scenarios and participatory processes. This work aims to show both the phenomenological meaning of social cognition as well as the various interpretations that have found application in neuroscientific experimentation as second-person perspectives, in order to evaluate their contributions and offer possible open tasks. (shrink)

Subject of the Moment, Reloaded. The catalogue of Ludwig Darmstaedter's document collection, which contains sources as well as a categorization conspicuous of a history of knowledge avant la lettre, invites for a revisiting of the history of our discipline, thereby asking for its current role in academia and beyond. We argue that as historians of science or as historians of knowledge, our discipline disposes of the tools and topics necessary to respond to urgent epistemic and political problems.

Penser une histoire du hasard est se demander comment le hasard est perçu par les sociétés au fil des âges. Toutes n'ont pas la même sensation du phénomène ; l'Orient et l'Occident, les peuples d'Afrique ou d'Amérique du Sud, les différentes religions, entretiennent avec le hasard des relations spécifiques. De plus, le voyageur, dans cet univers étrange, est habité lui-même par ses sentiments et conceptions. Quatre époques scandent les siècles où se déploie cette histoire ; elles sont ossature et fil (...) conducteur, de la préhistoire à nos jours. Homme hasardeux. Impossible de fixer la date originelle mais à un moment de la préhistoire l'être humain découvre le tirage avec un instrument : fruit dissymétrique, écorce, coquillage... Est-ce le signal qui le distingue de l'animalité? Il perçoit le fortuit, l'aléa des jeux, le sort des espérances, les manifestations des divinités en bonheurs et malheurs. Homme de destin. Les religions subliment le hasard et ses manifestations. Le christianisme permet la découverte de la Providence et de la Grâce. La croix fixe est irréductible au cercle mobile. Mes codes et les règles tentent de circonscrire les vertiges des hasards. Homme improbable. Paradoxe étrange qui voit le développement du calcul des probabilités, à partir de la Renaissance, coïncider avec la perte des repères anciens, engendrant incertitudes et troubles contradictoires. Homme téméraire. Né au mois d'août 1945 dans l'explosion des bombes atomiques à Hiroshima et Nagasaki. Age de tous les risques et de tous les excès, nourri de spéculations, de paris, de jeux et de tricheries. Fondé sur une documentation étendue, cet ouvrage propose une vision globale de l'histoire des sociétés occidentales. Vision qui ne manquera pas d'être discutée si l'on sait que l'origine du mot téméraire renvoie à ténèbres. Sommes-nous aujourd'hui dans les ténèbres? L'auteur a publié Bizarre, anthologie, le symbolisme des jeux, la Tarot de Court de Gébélin (Berg International), Histoire des jeux de société (Flammarion). (shrink)

Feminist and socialist movements both aim at emancipation yet have often been at odds. The socialist feminists of the Paris Commune provide one of the few examples in late nineteenth-century Europe of a political movement combining the two. This article offers a new interpretation of the Commune feminists, focusing on the working-class women’s organisation the Union des femmes. We highlight how the Commune feminists articulated the specific form of oppression experienced by working-class women as both women and workers, which consequently (...) required a joint, yet differentiated, struggle to overcome. We explore three aspects of this framework. First, the Commune feminists offered a vision of the transformation of the social through reforms to girls’ education, the family and women’s work. Second, they practised a politics of coalition building by connecting their struggle with those of other oppressed groups, such as male workers, peasants and workers of other nations. Third, these ideas were instantiated in the Union des femmes’ novel proposal for women’s worker co-operatives as part of a socialist re-organisation of the economy. (shrink)

Insofar as John Stuart Mill can be accurately described as a socialist, his is a socialism that a classical liberal ought to be able to live with, if not to love. Mill's view is that capitalist economies should at some point undergo a `spontaneous' and incremental process of socialization, involving the formation of worker-controlled `socialistic' enterprises through either the transformation of `capitalistic' enterprises or creation de novo. This process would entail few violations of core libertarian principles. It would proceed by (...) way of a series of voluntary transactions. Capitalists' property rights would be respected throughout. The process would take place within a national system of laws that permits private ownership of productive property and competition, and would not result in that system's overthrow. And, if we accept some basic tenets of Mill's social philosophy, the outcome at which we should expect the process to arrive is a `patchwork' economy in which capitalistic and socialistic enterprises exist side by side. Key Words: Ludwig von Mises • John Stuart Mill • socialism • capitalism • worker control. (shrink)

This article aims to analyze feminist strategies against digital violence and their relation to performative forms of social justice. Based on new feminist materialisms (Coole & Frost, 2010; Souza, 2019), the article shows how female bodies are at the crossroads in our digital society. On the one hand, they are a target of digital violence because of their political activities, while on the other hand feminist protesters are opening new political possibilities for mobilization. By conducting a digital ethnography with two (...) social collectives located in Mexico City – Luchadoras and Laboratorio de Interconectividades – I argue that embodying and politicizing technologies are strategies to mobilize the body as a political, critical and material category, which reveals a renewed feminist agency in hacking the hegemonic meanings of digital technology and resignifying its materiality in order to politicize it. Furthermore, I argue that based on the body as material category, innovative forms of social justice for feminist collectives emerge. These strategies are related to the critical questioning of technologies to repoliticize digital violence, to render visible the memories and affectations in women’s bodies, as well as to mobilize a new feminist positioning called hackfeminist self-defense. All in all, this article seeks to contribute to understanding the broader issue of feminist politics performing social justice in the digital era. (shrink)

À partir d'une lecture critique de H. Arendt et J. Habermas, cet article se propose d'articuler d'un point de vue théorique et historique espace public, espace économique et question sociale. Développant une lecture associationniste de l'approche arendtienne, il souligne combien pour celle-ci le mouvement ouvrier fut historiquement porteur de l'espoir d'un nouvel espace public. Dans le prolongement de cette interprétation, il esquisse une analyse de la tradition associationniste française qui, au sein du mouvement ouvrier et socialiste, avait tenté (...) de politiser la question sociale pour redéfinir les frontières de l'espace public. Bref, comme l'économie solidaire le propose aujourd'hui en réactualisant l'héritage de cette tradition, d'inscrire dans l'espace économique de nouvelles formes de solidarité et de citoyenneté.Using a critical reading of H. Arendt and J. Habermas as a starting point, this article proposes to articulate the public and economic spheres and social questions from a theoretical and historical point of view. Developing an associationist reading of the “Arendtian” approach, it underlines how much in this approach the labour movement was historically seen as representing hopes for a new public sphere. Going further with this interpretation, the article offers an analysis of the French Associationist tradition which, within the labour and socialist movement, attempted to politicize the social question with the aim of redefining the borders of the public sphere. In short, by reviving the heritage of this tradition, the interdependent economy today seeks to include new forms of solidarity and citizenship in the economic sphere. (shrink)

Parce que ses applications concernent la plupart des dimensions de l'action humaine, que son organisation et sa dynamique ne sont plus dissociables de celles de la cité, la science rencontre naturellement les normes qui régissent le comportement humain, celles de la morale ou du droit. Nombre de controverses et de débats concernant les sciences et les technologies en témoignent : s'y invitent tour à tour des normes sociales, éthiques, scientifiques et techniques, et l'on évoque même des "normes du vivant". Ces (...) différentes normes renvoient-elles à des phénomènes comparables? Sont-elles réellement de même nature? La science bouscule les régimes de normes, mais elle est elle-même questionnée quant à sa responsabilité, son éthique ou sa déontologie. Comment science, éthique et droit interagissent-ils et selon quelle dynamique? Comment de nouvelles normes émergent-elles? Les normes juridiques et éthiques sont-elles toujours en retard par rapport aux sciences? Si les sciences et les technologies entretiennent une perpétuelle et stimulante incertitude, cette même incertitude rend parfois difficile l'entente sur les usages. Sciences et société n'évoluent pas nécessairement au même rythme, tandis que le champ des normes, qui ne cesse de s'accroître et de se complexifier, est, pour le droit, source d'indétermination. Penser le progrès comme la capacité à partager des normativités et des normes, telle est l'ambition de cet ouvrage, issu de la quatrième université d'été de l'IHEST qui a exploré sous cet angle les relations entre science, éthique et droit. (shrink)

En examinant l’oeuvre de Descartes et en en découvrant les éléments sociologiques, il nous devient possible de déduire l’horizon social de son système. Descartes mentionne les conditions, les manifestations et les unités sociales. Pour lui, l’individu est partie d’un tout. L’amitié et la générosité sont des sentiments profondément sociaux. Mais la raison met la vie sociale en valeur et c’est elle aussi qui décide, en cas de conflit entre l’individu et la société, lequel des deux a le bon droit (...) de son côté et si c’est l’individu qui doit se sacrifier à la société. Le Souverain Bien est le critère suprême. La société à laquelle aspire Descartes doit être dirigée par une aristocratie intellectuelle, créée sur des bases démocratiques et ayant à sa tête, peut-être, un roi-philosophe, législateur unique et prévoyant. L’homme cartésien est une synthèse de la sagesse antique, de Partisan moderne et de l’homme créateur qui, par la science et la raison, cherche à rapprocher la Société du Bien souverain. (shrink)

O artigo tem como objetivo proporcionar momentos de reflexão acerca da extensão universitária, que apesar de distinta da educação e pesquisa, é apresentada como momento/movimento constitutivo dessa tríade, sendo indissociáveis. A significação de seu sentido e sua relação com a comunidade na qual está inserida justifica a necessidade de se repensar e promover atitudes que venham a estabelecer um projeto político-social emancipatório, ou seja, que construa e viabilize as condições para a emancipação humana além dos muros da academia, servindo (...) como contra-hegemonia às políticas públicas educacionais plasmadas pelos organismos internacionais. (shrink)

The politicization of the intellectuals in the early 1990s now seems like a closed chapter in the history of the Eastern Bloc. Political life became more regulated before experiencing the entry of “unexpected” actors, labeled as “populists”. The academics’ political commitments, movements or believes have been interpreted as expression of “dissidence”, after 1989. The question of resistance, dissidence or opposition to the Soviet‑type socialist regimes caught the attention of many researchers. The social scientists became particularly interested in peripheral presentations and (...) written productions, as intellectual alternatives to the official line. Most of the studies insisted on the political repercussions of these actions, living little doubt on the inherent political sense they carried. Does this heritage, developed over the past three decades, shape the present relation to politics? This article aims to question the relationship that two generations of academics have with politics. Particular affiliations impacted the processes of political and academic transformations. The analysis, based on research carried out in Bulgaria, aims to shed light on the dynamics that cross the “post‑socialist” space and time. (shrink)

Premier livre à paraître d'un ouvrage plus vaste intitulé DIALECTIQUE ET SOCIÉTÉ, cette Introduction à une théorie générale du Symbolique pose les fondements d'une théorie compréhensive de la société, de la socialité et de l'historicité. Du point de vue dialectique adopté par l'auteur, toute réalité sociale-historique est en effet de part en part constituée de pratiques sociales, et ces pratiques ne peuvent elles-mêmes être étudiées et comprises dans le respect de leur propre mode existentiel que si l'analyse reconnaît et (...) assume cette orientation significative qui fonde leur spécificité ontologique vis-à-vis des phénomènes de la nature « inanimée » aussi bien qu'à l'égard de ces autres niveaux de constitution du « rapport-au-monde » que représentent le comportement sensori-moteur propre à la vie organique en général, et l'opérationnalisation formelle propre à l'objectivation scientifique. -/- En une période où les sciences sociales sont portées à répudier l'héritage de la sociologie classique parce que les théorisations dogmatiques majeures comme le marxisme, le fonctionnalisme et le structuralisme dans lesquelles celleci s'était divisée sont en crise, DIALECTIQUE et SOCIÉTÉ reste au contraire attaché aux grandes questions posées par la tradition, tout en s'efforçant d'exhumer la dimension philosophique que cette dernière avait refoulée. En liant de manière formelle une théorie de l'action, une théorie de la structure, une théorie de l'historicité et une conception phénoménologique de l'objectivité visée par la connaissance critique de la société, l'ouvrage propose en quelque sorte une synthèse de Marx, Weber et Lévi-Strauss dans laquelle seule l'option positiviste faite par ces auteurs est vraiment rejetée. Mais l'enjeu de toute la réflexion épistémologique, théorique et méthodologique reste la compréhension de la société contemporaine. (shrink)

Les transformations profondes que vivent les sociétés socialistes en Europe centrale et orientale après 1945 seraient-elles sans effet sur les masculinités? L’article souhaite nuancer cette idée reçue en analysant les débats sur la paternité en Allemagne de l’Est. Dans l’immédiat après-guerre, des images de pères « socialistes » présents auprès de leurs enfants apparaissent dans les médias et les réflexions portant sur une nouvelle conception de la paternité socialiste et égalitaire se multiplient à partir des années 1960. Des débats (...) s’articulent, dans un premier temps, autour d’une critique formulée à l’égard de la société et du régime socialistes qui n’aurait eu que peu d’influence sur l’évolution des masculinités pendant les deux premières décennies du « socialisme réel ». Dans un deuxième temps, les années 1970 et 1980 voient fleurir des propositions concrètes de transformation de la paternité pour tendre vers une paternité socialiste. Si la plupart ont échoué, elles témoignent d’une volonté de modifier les rapports de genre d’une société en devenir, opposée à l’Ouest. (shrink)

La ciencia procura siempre alcanzar la máxima objetividad del sujeto como investigador, pero éste en realidad no puede escapar a su subjetividad, y por lo tanto, de pensar de manera abstracta la realidad en que están inmersos el “objetoobservado” y el “sujeto-observador”. Durante el siglo XX, algunos filósofos de la ciencia, tales como Karl R. Popper, Thomas Kuhn, Imre Lakatos y Paul Feyerabend, influenciaron las distintas aproximaciones epistemológicas a la ciencia hasta la fecha de hoy. En este escrito, se describe (...) la propuesta que Imre Lakatos planteó, como aproximación a la verdad científica, a través de lo que él denominó “la Metodología de los Programas de Investigación Científica”, tratando de demostrar cómo ésta surgió a partir de las corrientes de pensamiento de su época, ya que Lakatos intenta solucionar quién tiene razón: si Karl Popper que afirma un método hipotético deductivo con limitaciones, pero de uso universal, o Thomas Kuhn que afirma que lo que los científicos fundamentalmente hacen es estar aferrados a paradigmas o crear nuevos paradigmas, y que cada enfoque está bien propuesto para el contexto sociológico y temporal-espacial, y por lo tanto no existe un método científico universal. (shrink)

As an industrial science, vaccinology is susceptible to changing social, economic and political frameworks. This article reconstructs the history of the birth of the Sabin strains-derived inactivated polio vaccine (sIPV) in China. The development of this nascent vaccine can be attributed first and foremost to the circulation of knowledge and technology in the global polio research network of the 1980s, before the privatization of vaccine manufacturing and the escalation of intellectual-property protections. Tracing correspondence between Jonas Salk and a Chinese scientist, (...) Jiang Shude, and his colleagues, we chart how institutional efforts in search of a profitable product and scientists’ motives in pursuing personal careers in the post-socialist reform era led to collaboration on many levels, centered around polio vaccines. In response to recent polio history research, we also emphasize the impact of multiple temporalities of polio dramaturgy on the vaccine manufacturer, as this article demonstrates how the confluence of shifting global polio eradication agendas and contingencies in complex vaccinology undertakings ironically helped to materialize the idea of the sIPV. Finally, stories of vaccines and scientists in China add compelling subplots to the global polio history, which reveals the need to reconsider the politicization of imported technology in broader socialist contexts. A letter dated ‘3 June 1986’ was mailed from Jonas Salk to Jiang Shude (姜述德). Jiang had been an unknown vaccinologist working at the Institute of Medical Biology (IMB) in Flower Red Cave in the Western Hills of Kunming, in south-western China. Salk had visited two years earlier to discuss the feasibility of the IMB's proposal to manufacture inactivated polio vaccine (IPV). The initial collaborative plan had come to a halt by the time Salk wrote the letter to Jiang; still, he kindly offered Jiang an opportunity to travel to Bilthoven and then Lyon to learn IPV-related technology with a generous $10,000 grant for his one-year stay in Europe.1. (shrink)

La solidarité n'est ni assurance ni assistance. Elle ne divise pas le monde entre ceux qui donneraient sans recevoir et ceux qui recevraient sans avoir rien à donner : tous contribuent selon leurs capacités et reçoivent selon leurs besoins. Le droit européen a récemment hissé la solidarité au rang de principe fondamental, à l'instar de la liberté, de l'égalité et de la justice. Dans le même temps, l'idéologie libérale en promeut le démantèlement méthodique, considérant qu'une «grande société» fondée sur l'ordre (...) du Marché «n'a que faire de la «solidarit黫 (F Hayek). La question se pose donc de savoir si la solidarité est le témoin provisoire d'un ordre juridique condamné à disparaître ou bien l'un des ferments de sa recomposition. L'enquête conduite dans ce livre vise à y répondre. Elle commence par retracer l'histoire du concept de «solidarité», depuis son apparition en droit romain jusqu'à sa moderne diffusion en biologie, en sociologie et en droit social. Elle se poursuit en examinant cette notion d'origine européenne au prisme d'autres civilisations. Explorant les évolutions politiques et législatives les plus récentes, elle met enfin en évidence l'extrême actualité du principe de solidarité dans toutes les grandes régions du monde. (shrink)

1. El redescubrimiento del carácter social de la existencia humana constituye uno de los rasgos fundamentales de nuestra época. El hombre es un ser social en todo. Esto no excluye, sin embargo, la dimensión personal, autónoma de la existencia.2. La acentuación de la socialidad constitutiva del hombre condujo a la ideologíadel determinismo social o sociologismo. El hombre es visto sólo como un producto o resultado de las estructurasy procesos sociales. La independencia y la libertad del hombre son ilusiones. Si bien (...) nuestra existencia implica una relación de dependencia respecto de nuestros semejantes, esta relación no es de carácterdeterminista. Esto se hace evidente a través del análisis del concepto fenomenológico de "facticidad".3. La facticidad designa la clase típicamente humana de hechos que condicionan la existencia del hombre. La facticidad social presenta un carácter cósico, pero en ella está siempre presente la intencionalidad de la existencia; de ahí su contingencia esencial. La necesidad de la facticidad no es una necesidad de naturaleza sino una "necesidad en libertad".4. La función de la facticidad social es hacer que la persona se autodesarrolle y realice en plenitud sus posibilidades. Existen muchas formas de facticidad social que restringen y obstruyen la existencia dela persona, en lugar de desarrollarla. Debemos asumir una actitud crítica frente a nuestra facticidad. Sin esa actitud crítica no hay progreso posible. La facticidad social necesita de la persona para poder progresar y crear mejores condiciones para todos.5. Si la persona es el sentido de la facticidad social, la educación, como encargada de trasmitir la facticidad, debe contribuir ·eficazmente al proceso de personalización. La sociedad es una parte esencial del hombre; luego, asumir la facticidad social es una forma de alcanzar la plena autonomía. Educar es personalizar, pero para ello es necesario previamente socializar. La socialización, sin embargo, no debe entenderse como mera adaptación, sino como un proceso donde los modelos y patrones de la facticidad social son asumidos no pasiva sino activamente, en la perspectiva del cambio y la innovación. Sólo quien asume con mentalidad creadora a la sociedad tiene posibilidad de transformarla y mejorarla. (shrink)

« L’État qui garantit la sécurité est un État qui est obligé d’intervenir dans tous les cas où la trame de la vie quotidienne est trouée par un événement singulier, exceptionnel . Ce côté de sollicitude omniprésente, c’est l’aspect sous lequel l’État se présente ».1La question sociale contemporaine a changé de configuration et les conceptions socialistes et libérales..

Las ciencias sociales, desde sus orígenes, consideraron sencillo explicar sucesos relevantes y, en general, todas las manifestaciones de la vida humana, a través de un discurso que tenía como meta la reducción del significado de las acciones sociales a explicaciones nomológicas que se asumieron como verdades absolutas. Sostengo que este paradigma epistemológico fue asumido por las ciencias sociales como si el conocimiento de los hechos del pasado y del presente no fuese más que el resultado de explananda, inferidos de la (...) corroboración o ‘falsación’ de explanans, en conformidad con la aplicación de métodos inductivos e, incluso, deductivos. El objetivo de este trabajo es proponer, siguiendo a Hannah Arendt, que la tarea del teórico social no consiste en intentar someter a prueba, a través del “método científico”, sus hipótesis, sino que debe hurgar y analizar aquellos hechos que se presumen que son relevantes para las experiencias humanas concretas, acudiendo a la hermenéutica; un enfoque que vislumbro como más apropiado si lo que se desea es determinar la verdad relativa de los resultados de las actividades, instituciones y manifestaciones sociales, dentro del contexto histórico-político en el cual se insertan. (shrink)

Care este statutul moral al copiilor? Ce înseamnă egalitatea morală dintre copii şi adulți? Care sunt constrângerile pe care le impune acceptarea acestei egalități în ceea ce priveşte felul în care pot fi tratați copiii în familie sau în societate ? Cine are ce fel de responsabilitate pentru copii ? În capitolul de față voi discuta astfel de întrebări. Voi analiza relația dintre copii, părinți şi stat, în dimensiunea ei practică (felul în care ne raportăm la copii), din punct de (...) vedere legal (constrângerile legale asupra felului în care ne raportăm la copii) şi din punct de vedere moral (cum ar trebui să ne raportăm la copii). Voi începe cu o scurtă incursiune în istoria relațiilor dintre copii, părinți, şi stat, atât din punct de vedere legal, cât şi filosofic. Voi prezenta conceptul de statut moral şi ideea de egalitate morală între copii şi adulți. Voi ilustra schimbările sociale şi legislative în ce priveşte acceptarea statutului moral al copiilor şi a egalității morale între copii şi adulți, folosind exemple din România şi Suedia. Voi examina dinamica dintre aspirațiile legale şi morale la care aderă România în ce priveşte statutul moral al copiilor şi normele sociale despre copii, copilărie, şi familie, care nu sunt întotdeauna în acord cu aceste aspirații. Voi urmări apoi schimbările care au avut loc în ultimele decenii în ce priveşte limitele responsabilității parentale. (shrink)

The close ties between modes of governing, subjectivities and critique in contemporary societies challenge the role of critical social research. The classical normative ethos of the unmasking researcher unravelling various oppressive structures of dominant vs. dominated groups in society is inadequate when it comes to understand de-politicizing mechanisms and the struggles they bring about. This article argues that only a non-normative position can stay attentive to the constant and complex evolution of modes of governing and the critical operations actors themselves (...) engage in. The article outlines a non-normative but critical programme based on an ethos of re-politicizing contemporary pervasive modes of governing. The analytical advantages and limitations of such a programme are demonstrated by readings of both Foucauldian studies and the works of and debates regarding the French pragmatic sociology of Boltanski and Thévenot. (shrink)

Resumen: Este artículo explica la complejización de las ciencias sociales en el curso del siglo XXI, y aporta tres razones por las que este proceso ha tenido lugar. La tesis que se defiende aquí es que las ciencias sociales sufren una metamorfosis radical que deben asumir si quieren seguir existiendo. Aunque nada obliga a que tengan que seguir existiendo. Al final, en unas concusiones abiertas, se señala cómo, como consecuencia de las transformaciones en crisis, emerge una ciencia de lo imposible.: (...) This paper explains the process of complexification of the social sciences during the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century, while it provides three reasons why this has happened. The paper claims that the human and social sciences must undergo a radical metamorphosis if they want to keep alive at all. Even though, nothing obliges that these sciences must go on existing. At the end, as an open-ended conclusion, it is pointed out how, because of the changes that express a deep crisis, how a brand-new science of the impossible has emerged. (shrink)

According to our understanding, when we discuss about the religious life in Romania, one must take into account, first of all, the characteristics of this people, its culture and traditions that are over two millennia old. The similarities and differences with the organization and functioning of other religious systems in Europe and around the world cannot and must not exclude the defining elements of a people that has asserted its origins and defended its spiritual integrity over the centuries. In our (...) country there is a close connection between the history, culture, spirituality and education of this people of Latin origin and mostly of Orthodox faith. Starting from these realities, the Romanian Orthodox Church had an important role in preserving the values and national identity in the face of the frequent stepsons of history. Regarding interreligious education in Romania, it is done in public schools, with the discipline of Religion, where, especially in high school, there are classes in the History of Religions in which one learns about religious traditions around the world and how to interact with people belonging to other denominations, religions and ideologies. The phenomenon of migration increases in our country from one year to another producing important changes in terms of economic, cultural, social and religious realities. Taking into account all these realities, the state must promote policies that protect migrant populations and defend human rights for these communities. At the same time, they must be actively involved in protecting families where one or more members are working abroad and in the process of educating children who remain in the care of relatives. (shrink)